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REPLY TO 



'T. W. H. 



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Boston Advertiser. 



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Lawrence, Kansas, March i, 1903 
S. C. Smith, 
li Harrison, Me. 

^ Dear Sir : 

Having read your article in reply to a communica- 
tion published in the Bostoii Advertiser, Sept. 15, 1879, 
on "Early Kansas History," signed "T. W. H.," and 
recognizing the correctness of your historical state- 
ments of that important period, we respectfully and 
earnestly request you to publish the same, believing 
that the great importance of the facts you set forth 
with such clearness in regard to one of the most 
critical periods of the Kansas Conflict should be 
known and preserved. 

Respectfully yours, 

Paul R. Brooks, 
Robert Morrow, 
O. W. McAllaster, 
C. L. Edwards, 
S. N. Simpson, 
C. W. Smith. 



LETTER FROM SAML. C. SMITH. 



Harrison, Maine, March 23, 1903. 

To Messrs Paul R. Brooks, Robert Morrow, O. 

W. Mci\LLASTER, C. L. Edwards, S. N. Simpson, 

and C. W. Smith. 

Gentlemen: — Your letter asking me to publish 
an article on ''Early Kansas History," which I had 
written and a manuscript copy of which you had 
read, is received. I will comply with your request, 
hoping that the recital may show to the present gen- 
ration the difficulties and dangers that beset us in the 
struggle to make Kansas free, and the magnitude of 
the victory won. 

Marc Parrott, whose felicity of expression you 
well rememlDer, said to me that "the Kansas-Nebraska 
act made Kansas the Belgium of the contest." It did 
make Kansas the battle ground between freedom and 
slavery. It did not banish from Congress the solution 
of the question and give it to the Squatter Sovereigns, 
as the authors of the act hoped. Kansas managed to 
make the issues broad enough to vex the administra- 
tion, keep Congress in a constant broil, disrupt the 
old parties in the North and organize the new Re- 
publican party. 

Kansas could not win the victory alone, against 
Missouri and the administration. It had to seek the 
aid of the growing party of Freedom in the North, 



4 INIRODUCTION. 

The growth of that party depended much on the 
policy of the Free State men in Kansas. We had to 
feel the northern pulse before deciding what to do, so 
our leaders were always under more or less duress. 
True, Buchanan was elected, but, as Blaine said, the 
Republican party came out of the contest with the 
hope and elation of victory. We nearly captured 
Illinois, compelling Douglas, subsequently, to oppose 
the Lecompton constitution, thereby splitting his 
party and insuring the election of Abraham Lincoln. 
You will remember how in the old days we were 
often admonished to keep "right on the record," and 
how weary we were at the administration. Patience, 
self-sacrifice and devotion, finally won; but the road 
was not easy. 

Very truly yours, 

Saml. C. Smith. 



KANSAS AND THE EMIGRANT AID CO. 



BY SAMUEL C. SMITH. 



On looking over a file of the Boston Advertiser, I 
saw, in the number of September 15th, 1879, a letter 
signed, *'T. W. H." on ''Early Kansas History." 

Referring to the Emigraijt Aid Society it says: 

''Its associated emigrants were apt to separate on 
reaching Kansas. What the Society really did was 
to advertise Kansas, and to direct thither a really 
superior class of settlers, and this was a very import- 
ant first step. 

"But these early settlers were like most northern 
men of that period, men of peace. When Civil War 
came, new leaders had to come to the front, and new 
instrumentalites proved necessary. 

"The real crisis in Kansas was in 1856. The year 
brought a state of things in which the Emigrant Aid 
Society was practically paralyzed, and it was necess- 
ary to form a new organization which had no object- 
ions to buying Sharpe's Rifles. 

"The formation of these Kansas committees in the 
Free States and the leadership of Brown, Lane and 
Montgomery were what finally saved Kansas to Free- 
dom. But for these influences, the Missouri invasion 
would have swept away every trace of the Emigrant 
Aid Society and its work." 



6 " KANSAS AND THE 

It is not true that the associated emigrants of the 
Aid Co., were apt to separate on reaching Kansas, in 
the period of its early settlement. 

The New England emigrant was loyal to his home 
and clung to his people when in his new home. They 
may have been peaceful, but they were not degenerate. 
They knew their rights and were as willing to main- 
tain them as their forefathers were, to resist tyranny. 

It was in their settlements the first opposition was 
shown to the Missouri usurpation, where repudiation 
of its rule was first spoken and organization to defeat 
it, first made. 

If the Emigrant Aid Co., advertised Kansas and 
directed thither a really superior class of settlers, who 
were true to Freedom, it gave to it in. its hour of 
greatest danger, the men whose opinions and ideas 
are now, and ever will be the corner stone of its in- 
stitutions. 

Lawrence, Topeka, Osawatomie, were historic 
places in the struggle where Free State men fled for 
safety in times of turmoil; where whatever resistance 
was made to slavery had organization; where were 
found the leaders, and where was shaped the policy 
of the Free State party. 

In, and around these places, in the early days, the 
Emigrant Aid Co., directed its settlers, and to them 
it contributed what of care and aid its not abundant 
means allowed. The Agents of the Emigrant Aid Co., 
in Kansas were prominent as leaders in the Free 
State party. 

At the time of which we write the record will show 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 7 

that no men in Kansas, had more influence than the 
agents of the Aid Co., in originating and deciding 
what action the friends of Freedom should pursue. 

Though the Emigrant Aid Co., thought it impolitic, 
as a Company, to purchase Sharpe's Rifles for em- 
igrants, its members gave generously to supply them, 
and from that source, and its influences more were 
supplied than from any other quarter. 

In the Spring of 1855 Gov. Robinson sent Gen. 
Deitzler East, with a letter to members of the Aid 
Co., asking for Rifles. They procured them. Gen. 
Deitzler took them to Lawrence and the ''Stubbs" 
were armed with them. That noted company, as 
dear to Lawrence in the early days as the memory of 
the Tea Party to old Bostonians, was largely com- 
posed of men who went to Kansas through the agency 
of the Aid Co. 

In the Autumn of 1855, Gov. Robinson gave to 
Maj. Abbot, a letter to the same parties asking for 
rifles for the Wakarusa Co. He procured them. 
Along both branches of Coal Creek, and on the Wa- 
karusa, persons who came to Kansas through the Aid 
Co., had settled, and induced others, who had come 
in like way and from their localities, to settle. 

The Wakarusa Co., was at that time made largely 
from these men. When organized, all its officers 
were from New England. 

The struggle to make Kansas free by the Free 
State settlers, was difficult and dangerous. Kansas 
was made a Territory to make it a slave state. The 
allies of slavery in Congress from the free states, 



8 KANSAS AND THE 

promised their help to make it so. Missouri was ex- 
pected to furnish the means and the men to seize the 
polls, elect the Legislature, enact the laws necessary 
to protect and perpetuate slavery, and to crush out all 
opposition. 

Missouri did its part, and the President, by the 
selection of Governors, Judges, Marshals, Land Offi- 
cers, Indian Agents and recognition of the bogus 
laws as valid and binding, gave to the usurpation, a 
place where resistance, and denunciation of it, was 
regarded by him and his party as sedition and trea- 
son. 

The administration could restrain and check Miss- 
ouri in its purpose; but the only influence that could 
restrain the administration and cause it to give Free 
State settlers any protection against the usurpation, 
was, public opinion in the Free States. 

The Northern people would not tolerate, nor coun- 
tenance resistance to Federal authority. This the 
slave power knew, and therefore sought in every way 
to provoke such resistance as would warrant the Fed- 
eral and Territorial power to use force to suppress 
what they called insurrection and treason. 

The slave power failed to drive the Free State men 
to such a position, and it was alike unable to enforce 
the bogus laws. The influence that guided the Free 
State men in their course, came from localities where 
the influence of the Aid Co., dominated and from 
other leaders than those named by "T. W. H." 

There were many periods in Kansas history when 
the Free State cause was in a critical and crucial 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 9 

condition; when a mistake on the part of its leaders 
would have led to temporary defeat and postponed the 
triumph of Freedom. 

The Wakarusa War had in its incidents and origin, 
elements as dangerous as any that ever confronted the 
Free State cause; but through the wise course of the 
Free State leaders, strife was averted, and in the 
Territory and the Nation Freedom was made stronger. 

When the rescuers of Branson took Branson from 
the scene of the rescue, to Gov. Robinson's house in 
Lawrence, they took with them a crisis of imperial 
size. The story of the rescue was told to the Gov- 
ernor, who told the rescuers to call a Town Meeting, 
to decide what to do, as the Territorial authorities 
would, probably, use it as a pretext for attacking and 
destroying the town. 

That Town Meeting was held. A Committee of 
Public Safety was chosen, of which Gov. Robinson 
was made the head. 

It was decided that the rescuers and the rescued 
should leave the to\yn; that no action be taken on the 
rescue, either of approval or disapproval; and that the 
people prepare for defence. 

Gov. Shannon, at the instance of the proslavery 
leaders, issued a proclamation calling out the militia 
as a posse, to aid Sheriff Jones; and Missourians, to 
the number of 1500 or more; came to besiege Law- 
rence, though its people had nothing to do with the 
rescue, it having been done five miles from there, and 
mostly by outside parties when they were asleep and 
knew nothing about it. 



lO KANSAS AND THE 

Why the Free State men adopted the policy they 
did and what they thought would be its effect, is 
shown in a speech made by Gov. Robinson to the 
people of the town d^iring the siege. He said: 

''At his (Shannon's) bidding, all these Missouri- 
ans have come here to help him enforce the laws; but 
when they reach Lawrence they will find nobody has 
broken any laws, for the people of Lawrence are a 
law-abiding people. Their real object was to destroy 
Lawrence; but it was a question whether they could 
do it without some pretext, and before the American 
people Shannon would be responsible for their con- 
duct. Men of Lawrence! Free State men! We 
must have courage and with it we must have prudence. 
They are sustained by the U. S. authority, and 
while they do not think it essential that a good cause 
for fighting be given them, the authorities will wait at 
least for what seems to them a plausible excuse be- 
fore commencing to shed blood. This excuse must 
not be given them. Each man must be a committee 
of one to guard the reputation as well as the lives of 
the Free State men. These may be dark days; but 
the American people and the world will justify us, 
and the cause of right will eventually triumph." 

Gov. Shannon and Sheriff Jones may or may not 
have believed the people of Lawrence rescued Branson, 
burned ciwellings, resisted the laws and were in open 
rebellion, but there is no doubt they believed its peo- 
ple would shield and protect the rescuers from arrest 
and thus give them what the Administration would 
call a valid reason to use force and destroy the town. 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 11 

Gov. Robinson and the Committee of Safety were de- 
termined to deprive them, and did deprive them, of 
any such reason. They denied, on behalf of the peo- 
ple, each and every allegation averred against them; 
told Shannon that Jones never attempted to serve 
process in town, so he had never been resisted and 
demanded of him to remove his troops from their 
vicinity, where they were without right, molesting 
and plundering a peaceful law-abiding people and 
blocking the highways. 

Shannon found what the Committee told him was 
true. He was anxious to be rid of his troops, whom 
he feared he could not control, they were so desirous 
to destroy Lawrence. Finally, he dismissed them, 
but gave to Gov. Robinson and General Lane, ''Au- 
thority to use the force under them to preserve the 
peace and protect the property of the people in that 
vicinity as in their judgment should best secure that 
end." 

This authority he gave to them to protect the peo- 
ple from his own force, whom he and they feared 
would not retire on being disbanded. A terrific 
blizzard was effectual in aiding their dispersion. 

The whole country was excited over this strife as it 
went on. It was everywhere the subject of comment. 
The course of the Free State men was admired and 
praised, Freedom gained strength and the Adminis- 
tration lost favor. In a message to the Legislature 
under the Topeka Constitution, Gov. Robinson said: 

"It is understood the Deputy Marshal has private 
instructions to arrest the members of the Legislature 



12 KANSAS AND THE 

and the state officers for treason so soon as this ad- 
dress is received by you. In such an event no resist- 
ance will be made to the officer. Let what will come, 
not a finger should be raised against Federal authority 
until there shall be no hope of relief, but in revolu- 
tion." 

These were occasions where the people had selected 
Gov. Robinson as their leader, and the}' show the 
influence he exerted as the agent of the Emigrant 
Aid Co., and its policy in the Territory. 

Whether this policy was likely to win support in 
the North where the Union and the Law were held in 
sacred respect, and where alone the Free State cause 
could look, or hope for aid, time has given affirmative 
answer. 

In May, 1856, the United States Marshal and his 
posse entered Lawrence, arrested some prominent 
citizens, then the posse was turned over to Sheriff 
Jones who used it to destroy the Free State Hotel, 
belonging to the Emigrant Aid Co. They burnt Gov. 
Robinson's house, destroyed the presses, type and 
fixtures of the Herald of Freedom and of the Free State, 
and engaged in general pillage. 

The shifting of the Marshal's posse to the Sheriff's 
use, shows the close partnership then existing be- 
tween the United States officials and the Border 
Ruffians. 

When either of these parties proposed to commit 
an outrage likely to provoke resistance it would go 
skulking behind some legal process. 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 1 3 

Robinson, Deitzler, G. W. Brown, Gaius Jenkins 
and G. W. Smith were prisoners in a camp of U. S. 
soldiers. The Missouri river was closed to the Free 
State men and their friends. The clouds were dark 
and threatening for the Free State men, but they did 
not despair. If the blood of the martyrs was the seed 
of the church, each fresh pro-slavery outrage was an 
additional argument for Freedom, "Suffer that you 
may be strong" was Gov. Robinson's exhortation to 
his party. 

The outrages in Kansas, the murderous assault on 
Charles Sumner in the Senate, for his speech entitled 
•'Crime against Kansas", and the aggressions of the 
slave power, were undermining slavery in Missouri 
and bringing the American people within seven years 
of the proclamation, that would emancipate every 
slave. Kansas was sowing the seed for that rich har- 
vest. 

John Brown, jr., and his company started to aid in 
the defence of Lawrence, when attacked by the Mar- 
shal's posse in May, 1856. He halted when within 
twelve miles of Lawrence, when he learned the posse 
had done its work. His father, John Brown, was with 
him. It was at this time in 1856 he first came to no- 
tice. 

Gov. Geary before the 16th of the following Sep- 
tember had induced invaders from Missouri, coming to 
the Territory when he came, to return to their homes. 
From that time invasions ceased except in spasmodic 
cases in southeastern Kansas where men on both 
sides appeared to take pleasure in gunning for each 



14 • KANSAS AND THE 

Other. Whatever John Brown did in what ''T. W 
H." calls the Real Crisis in Kansas in 1856, as a lead- 
er to resist invasions that would have swept every 
trace of the Emigrant Aid Co., and its work, he must 
have done between May 20th and September i6th, 
when he started with his sons on their long march 
through Nebraska and Iowa to leave the Territory. 

On the 23d of May, 1856, John Brown, with four 
of his sons, one son-in-law, and two other persons, 
started on an expedition. 

On the night between the 23d and 24th, of May 
John Brown, in command of these men, took five pro- 
slavery men from their houses, on Pottawatomie 
Creek. John Brown shot John Doyle in the fore- 
head, and two of his sons cut and hacked the others 
to death with short two-edged swords. 

The act caused pro-slavery men in the neighbor- 
hood to'flee and Free State men to live in constant fear 
of retaliation of like kind on them. 

The news of this bloody transaction as it spread, 
inflamed the whole border, increased the bitterness 
between the parties, caused more raids into the Terri- 
tory than before, and was followed by more murders 
of Free State men. It caused great excitement at 
Leavenworth where the Congressional Committee 
were holding their sessions, and Gov. Robinson was 
only saved from a violent death by the strong will of 
his keeper. Bill Martin, the Kickapoo Ranger, who 
made both Judge Lecompte and Maj. Richardson 
aids in his defence. One slept in bed with the Gov- 
ernor, the other in a bed drawn up just outside his 



EMIGRANT AID CO. I5 

door in the hall. The people were never more dis- 
tressed than during that summer of 1856, after those 
cruel butcheries. They robbed and shot down many 
people, burned the homes of Judge Wakefield, Capt. 
Sam Walker, Erastus Heath and many others, within 
sight of the United States troops guarding the treason 
prisoners, and no power was given them to stay the 
hand of violence. 

In the Atlantic Monthly the chapter of T. W. H.'s 
* 'Cheerful Yesterdays" that refers to his Kansas trip 
in the Autumn of 1856, says the Free State men gen- 
erally approved of this deed of John Brown's. They 
did not approve of the deed, as the evidence now ex- 
isting shows it to have been. They justified it as a 
matter of self defense, as it was first represented to 
be. 

At tliat time Free State men had no belief in pro- 
slavery stories of Free State outrages, nor had pro- 
slavery men any more faith in the statements of Free 
State men. 

Free State men did not believe the pro-slavery 
statements of the Pottawatomie Massacre; nor did 
they believe that John Brown, a professing Christian, 
a praying man, a courageous man, New England 
born and educated, could commit murder, or kill any 
one except in a fair fight, or permit or ask his own 
sons to do so. 

T. W. H. compliments W. A. Phillips', ''Conquest 
of Kansas" as the best book of the time and place. 
Phillips page 316, says: 

'Tt was one of those stern and remorseless acts 



l6 KANSAS AND THE 

in Civil War which make the delicate and sensitive 
shrink, but it is wrapped in profound mystery." 

On page 317 he says: 

' 'Terrible stories have floated through the news- 
papers, distorted and misrepresented by those whose 
interest it was to misrepresent them. From all I can 
learn, five of these pro-slavery men had assembled 
in one their houses, to arrange plans for an attack on 
one man whose life they had threatened that night, 
when a party of seven or eight guerillas, not young men, 
but stern, determined men, attacked them, and in the 
scuffle, every pro-slavery man was killed." 

Is not this statement a gross distortion and misrep- 
resentation made by one whose interest it was to mis- 
represent? 

On page 332 he says: 

"Whether with reason or not I cannot say. but he 
[John Brown] was regarded as a participator if not 
the leader in the Pottawatomie affair." 

John Brown wrote to his family just after the mas- 
sacre, and 'relating to it; ''There are but very few 
who wish the real facts about these matters to go 
out." 

It was an act which those who were guilty of doing 
would not willingly confess; but would seek to justify. 
The partisans of the guilty taught to disbelieve, by 
experience, pro-slavery stories of Free State atrocit- 
ies, thinking it impossible for John Brown to commit 
the deed as described by his opponents, gladly wel- 
comed the justification and descriptions of the act 
then given by John Brown's friends. But John 



EMIGRANT AID CO. I7 

Brown, subsequently, over and over again, denied 
being present at the time the deed was done. So 
persistent were those denials urged by his friends and 
biographers, most people came to believe he was not 
there. 

Finally, the revival of interest in early Kansas 
history caused by the quarter century anniversary of 
the settlement of Kansas, held at Bismarck Grove, in 
1879, induced an investigation of this question. 

Dec. 6th, 1879 James Townsley, who went with 
John Brown, his sons, son-in-law and a Mr. Winer, 
on that bloody expedition in May, 1856, made his 
statement of what was then done. It corroborates 
in all essential particulars the affidavit of Mrs. Mahala 
Doyle, whose husband John Brown shot in the fore- 
head, while two of his sons cut and slashed with two- 
edged weapons two of her sons to death, and the testi- 
mony of other pro-slavery witnesses to the crime. 

It proves John Brown was there, though he had re- 
peatedly denied that he was; that there was no fight, as 
Phillips said that he learned, for the men were called 
from their houses at night one by one and slaughter- 
ed. 

Townsley's statement was sent to F. B. Sanborn 
who took it to John Brown, jr., who said ''it was in 
the main correct." Townsley is a witness who was 
associated with the Brown family, and was also a mem- 
ber of the Free State party, and neither one can justly 
discredit him. 

In view of the facts as now known, no one who 
once believed the act justifiable because of a belief 



l8 KANSAS AND THE 

that it was done in self-defence and in a fair fight, 
should be blamed for changing his opinions in regard 
to it, or for expressing the conviction that a man 
guilty of such butchery would by a civilized people, 
be given the gibbet rather than a laurel wreath. 

When the treaty of peace was made which closed 
the Wakarusa War, John Brown from the top of a 
dry goods box began denouncing it and strove to 
make division among the people. He was promptly 
checked. This was his first public interference in 
Kansas affairs. 

On Dec. 20th, 1858, Brown made a raid into Miss- 
ouri. His party killed David Crews, kidnapped a 
negro woman, took wagons, horses etc., robbed a Mr. 
Martin of a mule, from another man five negroes, two 
horses, a yoke of cattle, ox wagon, gun, saddle and 
clothing, then fled into Kansas. George A. Crawford 
at Fort Scott saw him and protesting against his vio- 
lence, told him, "We are settlers you are not, you 
strike a blow and leave. The retaliatory blow falls 
on us. Being a Free State man, I myself was held 
personally responsible for the acts of Capt. Brown." 

Capt. Brown left Kansas with his booty, passing 
through Nebraska, and Iowa, reaching Cleveland, 
Ohio, where he sold at auction some of it; but Free 
State men who lived in Southeastern Kansas had to 
pay the penalty. 

This closed his Kansas career. 

June 2nd, 1856, John Brown and Capt. Shores 
with forces under their command attacked the camp 
of Capt. H. C. Pate and compelled him and his men 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 1 9 

to surrender. Col. Sumner with the United States 
Dragoons released Pate and ordered both parties to 
disperse. 

In June, 1856 he wrote to his wife:- "Since then, 
we have, like David of old, had our dwellings with 
the serpents of the rocks, and wild beasts of the 
wildernesss being obliged to hide away from our 
enemies." (This was the statement Brown made 
to his family in the first letter he wrote them after 
the Pottawatomie murder. ^ 

July 4th, 1856, Brown was reported to be in camp 
near Topeka, with a small number of men. Later in 
the month, Capt. Sam Walker on his way to carry a 
note of warning to Lane in Nebraska, came across 
Brown with about twenty men going north, out of 
Kansas. Here for the present we will leave him. 

In March, 1856, Lane was elected a Senator under 
the Topeka Constitution. A memorial to Congress 
praying to admit Kansas into the Union under it, was 
prepared, signed by the different members of the 
Legislature and given to Lane to present to that 
body. 

On April 7th, 1856, Senator Cass of Michigan 
sometimes called the "Father of Squatter Sovereign- 
ty" at the request of Lane, presented what he 
claimed was the Legislature's memorial to the United 
States Senate. Douglas examined it and charged 
that the signatures were in one handwriting and that 
there were various interlineations and erasures, all 
calculated to cause doubt of its genuineness, Pugh, 
of Ohio, said it looked as though the person having 



20 KANSAS AND THE 

it in charge had watched the progress of the debate 
in that body and stricken out propositions to accom- 
odate it to the present stage of discussion. Cass 
asked leave to withdraw it and return it to Lane, 
which was given him. 

Lane made affidavit that the memorial was the 
work of a special committee of the Legislature, ac- 
cepted by it, then sent back to the Committee for 
revision and that committee gave him (Lane) the 
power to do so, and he had done it, after his arrival 
in Washington. He had mislaid the signatures and 
his private secretary had signed the names. 

The memorial was silent on the Black Law res- 
trictions of the Constitution, which caused Douglas 
to charge him with suppressing it — withholding what 
he dared not defend. 

Lane demanded an explanation, that would remove 
imputations on his integrity and motives, threatening 
a challenge to duel, if not done. Douglas replied 
that he knew of no exculpatory facts, and no duel 
followed. 

In June, 1855, Lane and others met at Lawrence 
and resolved that the best interests of Kansas required 
the immediate organization of the Democratic party. 

The attempt failed. 

That same month at Lawrence S. N. Wood at a 
Free State meeting moved that the party sink all 
minor issues in its efforts to overthrow the usurpation 
and secure a Free State. 

To that policy the friends of the Emigrant Aid Co., 
gave cordial assent. 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 21 

It did not seem to suit those persons who had vain- 
ly sought to organize the Democratic party. A call 
for a convention at Big Springs was issued, ''to con- 
struct a National platform, upon which all friends of 
making Kansas a Free State, may act in concert." 

A platform holding all minor issues in abeyance to 
secure that end was not broad enough for these gen- 
tlemen. Lane thought he could add the needed 
words to secure concert of action, and had the con- 
vention declare its opposition to negroes, bond or 
free, coming to their proposed Free State, and also 
declare, that the Free State party was not an abol- 
ition party. 

The Black Law provisions of the Topeka Constitu- 
tion were Lane's contribution to the Free State plat- 
form. 

The Constitutional convention supplemented the 
Big Springs platform, with a resolution endorsing 
squatter sovereignty. "Pass it," said Delahy and 
''your constitution will go through like a bullet." 
Before Lane presented his memorial, he had learned 
to the contrary. 

The Democratic party under the lead of Douglass, 
opposed a measure, that had been so carefully prep- 
ared to suit its taste. This action forced its oppon- 
ents to favor the measure. Many of them had no 
sympathy with lovers of a Black Law and haters 
of Abolitionists, and knew if Kansas was then admit- 
ted with its Senators and Representative, slavery and 
not Freedom would gain these votes. 

The desire to gain the support of that opposition, 



22 KNASAS AND THE 

may have caused erasures and interlineations to meet 
points discussed and the suppression of all reference 
to the Black Law. 

Fortunately for Freedom, the slave power had de- 
termined to keep its clutch on Kansas, given it by the 
Border Ruffian, and extend its dominion west, and 
south to the Pacific coast. 

It could safely have admitted Kansas as a compro- 
mise measure, with its Congressional delegation. 

By doing so, the perplexing Kansas question, would 
have been settled at once, the unity of the Democrat- 
ic party preserved, and its continuance in power pro- 
longed. 

In the latter part of July, 1856, Sam Walker says, 
Gov. Robinson gave him $200, and furnished him a 
horse, to go with a few men whom he should select, 
to Nebraska, see Lane, who was thought to be coming 
with arms and men to aid the Free State men, and 
tell him, that it was the purpose of the Territorial 
authorities, to intercept him with a force, on his way 
to Topeka. 

While enroute, Walker came across John Brown, 
with some men going out of the Territory. 

Walker saw Lane, who seemed to feel sorely be- 
cause members of the National Kansas Committee, 
there present; thought it impolitic for him to have 
charge of the expedition. 

Walker says, that he took a letter from the agents 
of the committee to Lane, to that effect, and that 
Lane said, "Walker, if you say the people of Kansas 
do not want me, it is all right, and I'll blow my brains 



EMIGRANT AID CO.^ 23 

out. I can never go back to the states and look the 
people in the face, and tell them, that as soon as I 
got these friends of mine fairly into danger, I had to 
abandon them. I can't do it. No matter what I say 
in my own defence, no one will believe it. I will blow 
my brains out, and end the thing here." 

Walker says he replied — "General, the people of 
Kansas would rather have you than all the party at 
Nebraska City. 1 have got fifteen good boys of my 
own. If you will put yourself under my orders, I'll 
put you through all right." Lane consented to go. 
Old clothes were got and nitrate of siTver used to dis- 
figure him. Old John Brown and his men went back 
with them. Lane arrived at Topeka August loth. 
On that day, he wrote to the prisoners in camp near 
Lecompton, that he was ready to rescue them, advis- 
ing them to escape if they could; if they couldn't he 
w^ould attack their guard. He reminded them that 
time was all important. "My whereabouts cannot 
long be concealed from the Blood-hounds, who are 
seeking my blood," 

On the morning of August 13th, William Hutchin- 
son at Lawrence, told Col. James Blood that Lane 
was concealed over his store, and had assumed the 
name of Capt. Joe Cook. Blood saw him and told 
him, "In my opinion there is no necessity of your 
hiding, you are in no more danger than the rest of 
us." 

Hutchinson and Blood were a sub-committee of the 
Executive Committee, chosen at Topeka Convention. 
July 4th. 



H 



Kansas and the 



They had decided to attack and disperse the pro- 
slavery bands, located at Franklin and Fort Saunders. 

The attack on Franklin was made on the night of 
the 13th of August. 

Lane rode down with the party and sat on his horse 
as others did, while the fight was on. Finally, a load 
of hay drawn by a squad of men, led by Caleb S. 
Pratt, was backed up to the cabin sheltering the 
enemy, set on fire and caused a quick surrender. 

On the 15th of August, the force went to attack 
Fort Saunders, Lane assuming command. The Fort 
was found deserted. 

That night. Lane left for Nebraska. Walker says, 
"In the evening Lane called us all together ahd 
turned the command over to me without another word 
of explanation. Put spurs to his horse and galloped 
away towards Topeka, followed by about fifteen men. 
This is the last we saw or heard of him for a long 
time. When we did hear of him, he was building a 
fort near Nemaha. Lane never gave any reason for 
his strange conduct on that occasion." 

On the i6th, the attack was made on Fort Titus, 
the force under the command of Col. Sam Walker. 
The F^ort was captured, and Titus with others made 
prisoners. 

John Brown was in the march on Fort Saunders, 
and at the capture of Titus with a small command. 
During Lane's absence, he was down at Osawatomie 
and with others sought to defend it, when the attack 
was made on it, August 30th, but was compelkd to 
flee. On that evening as Capt. J. M. Anthony went 



EMIGRANT AID CO. ±^ 

down in the ravine to milk his cow, having had no- 
thing to eat since morning, he was surprised to see 
John Browm coming toward him, Brown was equally 
surprised, and inquired if it were Mr. Anthony; he 
also inquired if every body was killed and the town 
burned. At that great battle of Osawatomie, Mr. 
Partridge only was killed, and three men in Gen. 
Reid's army of invasion slightly wounded. Brown 
then returned to Lawrence. 

While Lane was away Shannon resigned. Wood- 
son, acting governor, declared the Territory in a 
state of insurrection, and called on law abiding citi- 
zens to rally to suppress it. 

On Aug. i8th, 1856, Gen. William P. Richardson 
of the first divison Kansas Militia, wrote to Gen. 
Smith in command, at Fort Leavenworth, telling him 
a state of war existed in Douglas County, and other 
parts of the Territory; that he had ordered out his 
whole division, to rendezvous at various points, and 
asking Gen. Smith how far his orders required him to 
interfere with the movements of that militia. 

Sept. ist, Acting Gov. Woodson ordered Col. Cook 
of the United States Dragoons, to invest Topeka, 
disarm the people, level breast-works, and forts, and 
intercept invaders coming on "Lane's trail." Law- 
rence had no outlets east or north. Missouri held 
possession of them. Now it was proposed to use the 
U. S. Troops to disarm the people to the west and 
close the road north so that Missourians might with 
greater safety, attack and destroy it. The time was, 
near for the man who told Col. Sam Walker, "I'll blow 



26 KANSAS AND THE 

out my brains, if you say the people of Kansas don't 
want me," to show whetlier he was worth more than, 
"The whole party at Nebraska City." 

Lane got back from Nebraska near the first part of 
September, having been absent about a fortnight. 
He led a force to oppose the force that attacked 
Osawatomie, but accomplished nothing. 

On September 5th, Lane led a force against Le- 
compton, to demand the immediate and unconditional 
surrender of all Free State prisoners there held. He 
was informed that all prisoners had been released and 
provision made to send them to Lawrence the next 
day. Col. Cook with the U. S. Troops intervened, 
telling the Free State men, they had made a mistake 
in coming, as the Territorial Militia were dismissed 
that morning; to which Marc Parrott replied, "Col. 
Cook, when we send a man or two men, or a dozen 
men, to speak with the Territorial authorities, they 
are arrested and held like felons. How, then are we 
to know what is going on in Lecompton? Why, we 
have to come here with an army to find out what is 
going on; how else would we know. 

Lane kept himself in seclusion, while Col. Cook 
was present. John Brown was with the expedition. 

On the loth of September, the treason prisoners 
were released. When within one mile of Lawrence, 
they were met by the Stubbs Company, Lane and his 
staff, and escorted to Massachusetts street, where 
crowds of people had gathered to greet tliem. In the 
evening Rev. Mr. Nute, E. B. Whitman and John 
Wilder came in from Leavenworth where they had 
been confined in a dungeon. 



I 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 2^ 

That night, or the next day, Lane again started for 
Nebraska. 

Col. Cracklin published in the Lawrence Tribune, 
that a day or two before the arrival of ruffian 2700, 
Lane presented him with a commission as Lieutenant 
Colonel; that Gov. Robinson saw him and congrat- 
ulated him on his promotion and told him that he had 
reliable information that a large force was on its way 
to attack Lawrence, that our force was small and 
would be more so by the absence of Col. Harvey, 
who intended to start that night on a private expedi- 
tion; and the *'Stubbs" were not to leave without 
orders from head quarters, but the Stubbs went 
away with Col. Harvey. Cracklin says, "To my 
sorrow I found they had disobeyed orders." 

Lane, on his. way to Nebraska had met a force 
north of Topeka and sent to Col. Harvey for help. 

Lawrence was thus deprived of some of its best 
drilled and armed men when the enemy was close up- 
on it. 

On the 14th of September, the enemy arrived at 
Lawrence, two or three days after Lane disappeared. 

When the enemy were nearing town, in sight of it, 
and something for defence must be done, Maj. Abbott 
was giving orders as leader, claiming authority from 
Lane so to do. At the same time Col. Cracklin was 
acting as leader by the same authority, and Capt. 
Cutler of the Stubbs has said that Col. Harvey 
claimed the right to disregard the orders of Lieut. 
Col. Cracklin because he outranked him. 

Luckily, for Lawrence, that the exigencies of the 



2^ KANSAS AND THE 

Presidential campaign compelled the President, 
through Gov. Geary, to intervene for its protection, 
and send the invaders home. 

John Brown was in Lawrence at that time, but he 
had no command, was not elected or chosen leader. 
He made no speech. Col. Cracklin attacked the 
enemy's advance guard on the evening of Sept. 14th, 
and turned them back to Franklin, only a very few 
shots being fired by our forces and none by the in- 
vaders. Gov. Geary, with Col. P. vSt. George Cook 
intervened with his regiment and battery, and pre- 
vented a bloody conflict. 

This ended the invasions from Missouri, until the 
time of the Civil War. 

The student of history will look in vain for any act 
done by Capt. Montgomery, as a leader or private in 
what "T. W. H." calls the Real Crisis in Kansas in 
1856. 

If, at that time, the men he has named, led the Free 
State men with Sharpe's Rifles against slavery, turn- 
ing the tide in favor of Freedom, it must be found on 
the occasions herein named. 

It was the revolt of the people in the North against 
the acts of the administration in Kansas, that caused 
it to send Geary to the Territory, flying fast, to put a 
check on the purposes of Woodson the Nero of the 
strife, and give peace and protection to its people. 

Thoughtful men can read the history of the deeds 
done by these leaders, and judge whether they would, 
or did, strengthen or weaken that northern revolt, 
and whether Kansas would not have fared better with- 
out them. 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 29 

The struggle continued in another form; ballots, 
instead of bullets were the weapons used. 

The election of Buchanan convinced the friends of 
Freedom in and out of Kansas, that an effort must 
be made by the Free State men to elect the Territori- 
al Legislature. Gov. Walker and Sec. Stanton, 
promised to protect the polls from invasion and count 
the votes honestly. Gov. Robinson and other Free 
State men favored keeping the Topeka State Govern- 
ment alive, for use in case the people were cheated 
as in the election of March, 1855, and of voting. 

Gov. Walker and Sec. Stanton were true to their 
promise, although an attempt was made to defraud. 

Walker and Stanton discarded the fraudulent re- 
turns, v, hich act gave the Free State men possession 
of the Legislature. Lane at hrst opposed voting, but 
afterwards favored it. 

Brown and his followers never favored voting and 
did what they could to thwart it. 

Meantime, the Lecompton Constitution was framed. 
Its provisions compelled the voter to vote for ^'Con- 
stitution with Slavery", or ''Constitution without 
Slavery"; but whether he voted "Yes" or "No" he 
voted for the Constitution, which protected slavery 
already in Kansas. 

John Calhoun of the land office, a servile tool of 
slavery by the schedule of the Constitution, was given 
the power to receive, assort and count the votes un- 
der the instrument. Sec. Stanton called the Terri- 
torial Legislature together to provide for a fair sub- 
mission of that Constitution to the people. He knew 



30 KANSAS AND THE 

it would cause his removal, if he did so; that did not 
deter him. No man has ever done better service for 
a people, or a truer service for Freedom, than F. P. 
Stanton, by issuing that Proclamation. He deserves 
the lasting gratitude of the people of Kansas. 

Under the election so provided, the Constitution 
was defeated. Under the election provided by the 
Constitution, where the votes were counted by Cal- 
houn, it was sustained. Shall we strive to elect the 
State officers under that instrument, and to possess 
its government, was then the absorbing question 
with Free State men. 

Thomas Ewing, Gov. Robinson and other Free 
State men said ''Yes, we must try." So also said 
prominent members of the Republican party in let- 
ters to those men. 

Other Free State men said "No" among them Lane, 
Brown and Montgomery. A Free State Convention 
decided not to vote. W. Y, Roberts, G. W. Brown, 
S. N. Wood, Thomas Ewing, Gov. Robinson and 
others, thouglitthe decision of that convention should 
be bolted, and a Free State ticket put in the field. 
It was done, and as soon as done Lane ceased open 
opposition, while Brown and his friends continued to 
oppose 

The election took place. Calhoun decided the 
pro-slaver}^ ticket was elected. On its announce- 
ment, Ewing induced the Territorial Legislature to 
create a board to investigate the frauds of the election, 
and six men were chosen, among them, Ewing. L. A. 
McLean, Calhoun's clerk, was summoned and swore 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 3 1 

that Calhoun had taken all the returns to Washing- 
ton. Some one told Ewing that McLean lied; that 
McLean the night before he gave his testimony had 
buried a large candle box under a wood pile. That 
box was seized and brought before the Board. It 
held the returns and exposed the fraud. 

Ewing says the exposure struck the Lecompton- 
ites dumb. 

Eveiy incident was telegraphed and published every- 
where. A statement was signed by the presiding 
officer of both houses, and Gov. Denver was sent to 
the President and it was given him in presence of a 
number of Senators. In a day or two, Ewing follow- 
ed with the report of the Board, an abstract of the 
candle box returns, and a Memorial to Congress, all 
of which he caused to be printed and laid on the desk 
of each member. The bill for the admission of Kan- 
sas dropped dead. 

The English Bill was forced through by the ad- 
ministration offering great quantities of land, if Kan- 
sas would vote to accept the Constitution. But, 
Kansas by a vote of 1 1,300 against and 1,788 in favor, 
rejected the lands and the Constitution. 

To the people of Lawrence of the early days, who 
now survive, the place has consolation and pleasures. 

It was a child of the Emigrant Aid Co., it took the 
name of its treasurer, and gave to its principal street 
the name of the state where that Company was organ- 
ized. It was a settlement made in the interests of 
Freedom, and its people have striven to keep it true 
to that purpose. 



32 KANSAS AND THE 

It was the store-house, fortress, asylum, and Coun- 
cil Chamber of the Free State men. 

Its history is the history of the struggle. Hardly 
an incident in the strife wherever in the Territory it 
happened, but had some root there. 

When the Free State men had possession of the 
Legislature, it always moved its sessions to Lawrence. 

On Massachusetts street in Lawrence, the bogus 
code was repealed. On the night of the da}^ of its 
repeal, on the same street, the code was publicly 
burned. 

That act proclaimed that the Emigrant Aid Co., 
had won the victory in the strife with the Blue 
Lodges, and that Kansas was Free. 



LETTER FROM S. N. SIMPSON. 



Kansas City, Kansas, Dec. 29, 1902. 
S. C. Smith. 

My dear friend: — As I take my pen to address you, 
the question arises, where in our history shall I begin? 
Will it be with the battle at Franklin, our mutual 
acquaintance with Gov. and Mrs. Robinson, our 
personal friendship, or the great victory for freedom 
obtained in Kansas? 

Indeed, my friend of the early day in Kansas Terri- 
tory, the above subjects are so interwoven that to 
touch one reaches them all. 

That battle at Franklin looked gloomy after we had 
failed in our first attack and lost one man. 1 remem- 
ber saying that the fort must be taken, even if we had 
to go up and pry the logs out. We decided to try 
the effects of a load of hay, some dry lumber, with tar 
and rosin. After our load was ready, as I recollect, 
Caleb Pratt took hold of the tongue of the wagon first, 
then Capt. Bickerton, then S. C. Smith, S. N. Simp- 
son, Ed Russell, Reuben Randall, until nine men 
placed the wagon all on fire against the log fort. 

The white fiag soon went up. 

The midnight hour witnessed our first victory. 
What a moment that was, as we moved the wagon, 
and in the bright light received the prisoners and the 
cannon that had been turned over to the enemy a 



34 



KANSAS AND THE 



few months before at Leavenworth, together with the 
prospect of a victory at Washington Creek and at 
Titus's, near Lecompton, within a few hours. 

It is claimed by some who do not yet understand 
the early history of the Free State struggle, that the 
fighting qualities of Gen. Lane and John Brown were 
needed to secure the freedom of Kansas. 

These parties had nothing to do with our organiza- 
tion before the battle at Franklin. 

I had visited Dr. Robinson, then held a prisoner by 
United States troops, and received from him the by- 
laws of the vigilance committee in California and in 
consultation with Turner Sampson and Milton Guest 
at my office, we decided to organize a like committee. 
Dr. Robinson said that we should be prepared to strike 
a blow for ourselves before the help coming through 
Iowa and Nebraska should arrive. 

The battle at Franklin, was to our cause, what the 
battle of Bunker Hill was to the revolutionary cause. 

I first met Dr. Robinson in September, 1854, and 
soon after aided in his election as Captain of a com- 
pany to defend ourselves on the town site, which was 
successful. Gen. Lane and then John Brown came 
later. 1 enjoyed a very close acquaintance with all 
the prominent men who had a part in our history. 
They all worked hard, but if Lane or Brown had been 
the leader at the beginning of our contest or at any 
subsequent period, Kansas would have been a slave 
state. 

The great need from the very first was to have 
peace in the Territory until we should have settlers 



EMIGRANT AID CO. 35 

-enough from the North to have an influence as well as 
to secure the sympathy and cooperation of the North- 
ern states also that the Slave State settlers might 
have time to become acquainted with the Free State 
neighbors. I had talked these matters all over many 
times with Dr. Robinson before the other parties had 
arrived in the Territory. 

It was Dr. Robinson's good judgment and courage 
together with the experience in California which 
brought about conditions which enabled us to secure, 
€ven in spite of the course pursued by later leaders, 
and to so control events which prevented the later 
extremists from upsetting all the good work that had 
been done before their arrival. 

I do not believe in living very much in the past, 
the present and the Eternal future interests us most, 
and still when our past lives have been connected so 
directly with states like Kansas and her history has 
played such a part in the life of our Republic, we feel 
that the spirit of the past cannot be separated from 
the present and future. 

I thank you very heartily for your visit. I shall 
not fail to call upon you when I visit New England. 
Yours as ever, 

S. N. Simpson. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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